The Chaldean Mafia: A Preliminary Gang Threat Analysis

George Knox

WARNING: This document is copyright protected in its entirety. A copyright is on file with the U.S. Copyright Office, Washington, DC, United States Library of Congress. The NGCRC strictly forbids reproducing, copying, distributing, or disseminating its “gang profiles”, also known as gang threat analysis research reports. No portion of the contents of these NGCRC gang profiles may be copied, reproduced, stored, or distributed in any form whatsoever without the prior written permission of the National Gang Crime Research Center.

INTRODUCTION

The Chaldean Mafia is a gang composed almost exclusively of persons who trace their ethnic origins to the country of Iraq. Some members are still Iraqi citizens staying, perhaps illegally, in the USA. Most, however, are naturalized or second-generation American citizens whose families migrated to America in the 1980's. And this gang has had its most conspicuous presence in an area of the United States where there is a very large middle eastern ethnic group population — Michigan. This is a gang that is more instrumental than expressive in what basically motivates it’s members: income is more important than “representing” or public attention.

Below are presented the unique characteristics of this gang, background information, and a threat assessment. As further events unfold it may be relevant to provide a more detailed analysis of this gang in the future.

UNDERSTANDING THE CHALDEAN ETHNIC HERITAGE AND HISTORY

There is a long history to the Chaldean culture which deserves some analysis and commentary here. The Chaldean Mafia cannot be understood unless we also understand their ethic origin and cultural influences which extend back centuries ago, as the Chaldeans trace their cultural ancestry to the ancient civilization of Mesopotamia.

The Chaldeans, from Iraq where they constitute only about one percent of the total Iraqi population, are often regarded as a religious subgroup. The word Chaldean was branded by the Vatican, when in 1551 Pope Eugenius IV established the Chaldean rite of the Catholic Church. It is therefore a Christian Catholic ethnic-religious identity, as well as a geo-political identity. Another way of expressing this, is that Chaldeans are Catholics who are also Babylonian descendants. The Chaldeans, in the U.S. Census, are often lumped into the same category with Assyrian-Americans. However, Assyrian-Americans have a much different ethnic background. Indeed some Web sites for the Assyrian-Americans have made the allegation that Saddam Hussein’s Iraqi agents have infiltrated the Chaldean organizations.

Chaldeans speak a form of Aramaic, which is traced to the language of the New Testament gospel books of the Bible. Aramaic was a language developed by the Jewish people while under occupation by the Greeks and Romans. There are an estimated 120,000 Chaldeans in the area in and near Detroit, Michigan. There are a number of different organizations representing the Chaldean-Americans, such as the Chaldean Federation.

The single largest concentration of Chaldeans in the USA today is found in the Detroit area. The first Chaldeans who arrived in the Detroit area in the 1970's came here for economic reasons and to escape religious persecution (Rubin, and Bhavnagril, 2001; Evans-Bruns, 1986), while the major wave of immigration came as a result of the hardships represented during the conflicts of the Iran-Iraq war and the Gulf War (Rubin and Bhavnagri, 2001; Anstett, 2000).

Still there are prominent Chaldeans working for Saddam Hussein today, such as Tariq Aziz, the Deputy Prime Minister of Iraq, who is in fact Chaldean.

HOW DO MIDDLE-EASTERN GANGS ARISE IN THE UNITED STATES?

The NGCRC was able to witness the onset and etiology of one Middle-Eastern gang known as the The Arabian Posse (aka “TAP Boyz”). The TAP Boys are almost exclusively Palestinian in their ethnic background. The “birth” of this “nation” came during the Gulf War. These kids were getting harassed and sometimes assaulted going to and from school during the Gulf War, a period when emotions were running against persons from Middle-Eastern backgrounds. In defense, the Palestinian youths on Chicago’s southwest side decided to go to school in a group of about six. They noticed that they were not attacked in a group. So they went to and from school in an even larger group. They experienced none of the “attacks”. They kept up the “group formation” and eventually started to collect some of the lunch money they had previously lost. After the Gulf War, the association continued, as by this time the core members had adopted a name: “The Arabian Posse”.

The Arabian Posse would, eventually, find itself fighting the largest local neighborhood gang: the Latin Kings. The Arabian Posse emulated the Latin Kings: got their own symbol, and got their own guns, and got involved in drug distribution. After one of the Arabian Posse members killed a Latin King in a routine “disagreement”, his parents had him sent back to the Middle East and has, to our knowledge, never been returned to the USA for trial. The TAP Boyz still operate today, mostly in the southwest suburbs of Chicago.

So the story on the formation and etiology of The Arabian Posse (aka “TAP Boyz”) was that they fit a classical pattern of growing out of ethnic conflict and racial tension. Racial conflict has always been a major factor that fuels the engine of the “gang”.

Any ethnic group in America at some point in history has had or could have a gang problem. No racial or ethnic group enjoys a “monopoly” on the gang problem. The rise of the Chaldean Mafia, therefore, may very well have fit the pattern of a large new ethnic enclave arriving in America and experiences problems in adjustment, and faces some element of discrimination or conflict along these lines, and this provides a “breeding ground” for gang formation.

PREVIOUS PRESS COVERAGE OF THE GANG: ALMOST NONE

We have located absolutely no previous press coverage of the Chaldean Mafia. This is consistent with the “low profile” the gang seeks to maintain. Furthermore, while the NGCRC has since 1990 maintained an extensive database called the National Geographic Gang Tracking System, which lists thousands of gangs in all fifty states, this gang has never been reported by law enforcement agencies or other criminal justice agencies surveyed (probation, corrections, prosecutors, etc). Therefore, while it has existed for many years on American soil, it has done so with very little attention from investigators. This, of course, will now change given the current climate. This gang received “acknowledgement” as a gang known to be operating in Detroit in one book about gambling and corruptive influences within professional basketball.

THE ABUSE OF JUVENILES BY GANGS IN AMERICA

Gangs like the Chaldean Mafia fit a national profile where about one half of the actual members are adults (aged 17 or above) and half are juveniles (aged 16 or below). These American gangs have historically abused children, or the legal term “juveniles”, because they face upon arrest or prosecution less severe criminal justice sanctions than the adult members of the same gang. Impressionable juveniles are eager to satisfy requests from older adult gang leaders. Gangs in America today are not “run” by juveniles, thus it is technically not scientifically sound to use the term “juvenile gangs”, as most gangs in America today have leaders who are older adults who fit a profile of being career criminals.

Without survey research on the detained juvenile population of the State of Michigan it is going to be difficult to estimate the exact force strength of the juvenile composition of the Chaldean Mafia. For this reason we have considered this a “preliminary” gang threat analysis. Suffice it to say, however, that this gang does fit the traditional pattern of abusing juveniles: using them to carry out a variety of functions for the gang. And, not unlike other highly organized gangs in America, this often revolves around a “familial” relationship: having family ties to someone in the Chaldean Mafia.

One mechanism for contributing to the felony delinquency of minors is through its female gang auxiliary. This female chapter of the Chaldean Mafia functions in a manner similar to other female gang chapters: they are primarily cheer leaders for adult criminals, they do like to fight and act out a “gangsta” lifestyle. We will examine direct orders and micromanagement of the female gang unit of the organization by the top leader at a later point in this analysis. Juveniles associated with the Chaldean Mafia may play a role in drug distribution, selling the product available from the Chaldean Mafia.

INFRASTRUCTURE OF THE CHALDEAN MAFIA

There is a clear hierarchy of authority in the Chaldean Mafia, one man is basically the “top dog”. He is a type of “godfather” to the gang. His real name is Bahaa Kalasho.

Bahaa, born 1-31-1962 is currently serving time under the name Bahaa Kalasko, MDOC #181993. Regarded in the 1980's as “the leader of a strong-arm gang of thugs”, Bahaa received a life sentence in 1985 “after he and his gang of flunkys murdered an elderly woman during a home invasion robbery” (http://www.geocities.com/jiggs2000_us/kalasho.html). The date of the home invasion was 11-10-84 (http://www.state.mi.us/mdoc/asp/otis2profile.asp?mdocNumber=181993).

Bahaa’s uncle is Louis Akrawi who is an entrepreneur, but had a dual identity: “while Akrawi held the appearance of a respectable businessman on the surface, the residents of the Chaldean community recognized him as their version of the local mafia boss” (http://www.geocities.com/jiggs2000_us/kalasho.html).

Following Uncle Akrawi’s footsteps, Bahaa’s younger brother Khairi “Harry” Kalasho would try to corner the drug market in Detroit in the time frame 1986-1989, only to be killed himself. With Harry gone, this left one bold energetic figure to keep the crime family alive: Bahaa stepped up to the plate. And he plays the movie role “script” version of a gangster quite well, even though he is still incarcerated in a state facility. But remember, even Larry Hoover was able to direct and micromanage his gang, the Gangster Disciples, from behind bars: by using visits, the telephone, etc, and Bahaa definitely has this same tendency.

There appear to be two levels of authority underneath the top leader: primary and secondary operatives. Primary operatives enjoy the trust and appointed “missions” given to them by the godfather. The primary operatives, in turn, delegate some aspects of the “work assignments” to secondary operatives somewhat lower in the chain of the command. When three members of the Chaldean Mafia were killed on November 20, 2002, these were secondary operatives: they did not know where the “stash” was located, even under brutal torture, they could not reveal anything, because they just did not know where the “stash” of drugs and cash was located. Only a primary level operative would know such “inside” secrets of the gang. And it would have been a primary operative that directed these three victims to have contact with the gang that ended up killing them. Their mission would have been simply to work out the deal for drugs, indicate the terms of the agreement such as prepayment, etc. They would not be privy to the kind of information their torturers thought they might have (i.e., where is their “drug house”).

There also appear to be contractual associates: persons, particularly in the area of gang violence, who will be given a “contract” to assault, threaten, harass, or possibly kill someone who is a problem for the Chaldean Mafia. In the “drug underground” of America, there are as many potential “contractors” as there are distributors of marijuana and cocaine. They could be on a college campus, or in a corporate office, or in any community anywhere: demonstrating the terroristic impact of illegal drugs in America today. An example would be the Two-Sixers who are known for their contract killings, they rent themselves out to anyone who will offer a price. This contractual means of carrying out “hits” is done in and outside of prison. In one contract hit paid for by Khairi “Harry” Kalasho, the victim Munthir Saleem who was killed by multiple gunshots, the shooters collected only $10,000 for the work. They could have made an extra $10,000 if they had cut off Saleem’s head and thrown it in the street. Harry was upset that Saleem, a drug dealer, was encroaching on his sales territory. Harry also contracted the killing of another Detroit drug dealer named Sam Gaggo who was killed in 1988.

As in any criminal syndicate, family connections are important, and some “messages” may be relayed for purposes of secrecy only through direct family members or an attorney. This situation is necessitated by the fact that the leader is currently serving a life prison sentence and faces scrutiny in his mail and telephone and visiting situations.

Among the known primary operatives are the “enforcers” for the Chaldean Mafia. These are the “muscle” of the organization and include: Chris, Norman, Flash, Sacco, and Safa. Safa is a cousin of Bahaa’s. Another primary operative, who serves as a kind of “ambassador” but who is not a “fighter”, is Bahaa’s longtime trusted friend Beretta.

There is an active female gang auxiliary unit of the Chaldean Mafia. They visit incarcerated members of the gang and are often involved in violent fighting behavior in their communities.

GOD FATHER

Family Most Trusted Associates Attorney

(Primary Operatives)

Street Soldiers

(Secondary Operatives)

Family

Female Faction

Apprentices Contractors

(Often juveniles)

Below the secondary operatives are sympathizers to the gang and the female faction. The apprentices can be called “wannabe’s”, but are persons who may have a connection of some type to someone in the gang: perhaps only a street gang, should be taken very seriously. They are eager to take a more active role in the gang. We call them the “gang apprentices”. They want to become a member of this kind of “union”, they are embedded in the Chaldean culture and are probably experiencing what is called “culture conflict”: they find themselves opposed in many ways to the American lifestyle, and may gravitate towards certain types of delinquency. Many are juveniles, who can be expected to have a strong connection to the drug subcultures in America.

MICROMANAGING THE FEMALE CHAPTER OF THE GANG

When we first ran across the female teens representing themselves as “Chaldean Mafia Chicks” we first assumed they were just “claimers”: those who do not have real or genuine connections to the parent gang in this case the Chaldean Mafia. But in early 2003 the top leader of the gang would instruct his own daughter to take retaliation against a rival female gang. It turns out that the first name of Bahaa’s daughter does appear on several of the “shout out” lists for the females who are “representing” the gang.

Basically, Bahaa’s daughter and another female member both worked at a local restaurant in Detroit. The female member was confronted by a rival gang, the Chaldean Folks, and beaten up inside the restaurant where she worked. As she would not sign a police complaint for being an assault victim, she was fired from the job.

So, when Bahaa learned of this situation, he advised the female faction to this effect: “they have sent you a message, now the ball is in your court, it is a matter of respect, you have to find some girls that have nothing to lose and send back a message that you will not put up with this”. Thus, female gang fights on the streets of Detroit and its surrounding suburban communities might be expected, basically due to the tutelage and instruction from their imprisoned leader. The female faction had basically been instructed to make a revenge strike against their rivals.

PRAYERS, CONSTITUTIONS/BY-LAWS AND RITUALS OF THE CHALDEAN MAFIA

These, for the most part, actually do not exist as they routinely do for other high threat level gangs in America. Constitutions and by-laws put a gang “in the public eye”: draw attention from authorities to the gang, and most importantly help criminal justice investigators to better understand the social dynamics of the gang. The Chaldean Mafia is not interested in “posturing” like an ordinary street gang, and it therefore does not distribute a set of “by-laws” or “gang prayers” to its members.

How does one become a member of the Chaldean Mafia? The Chaldean Mafia like any other gang in America, or any other organization for that matter, is an open-system. This particular open system is designed, however, to attract those who share the Chaldean cultural tradition and some propensity for “easy money”, i.e., an income-producing crime motivation. Those who are closest to the founding members of this close knit organization are most likely to be recruited. Thus, one would have to be in a position of drug distribution or other illegal activities (gambling, human smuggling, etc) of interest to the Chaldean Mafia to be considered for recruitment. This is not a gang like the Gangster Disciples where any screwball can join: there is a very selective process at work, as the gang prides itself on quality rather than quantity of members. To penetrate this gang with an undercover operation would require positioning in the drug subcultures of the Chaldean communities in the Michigan area or elsewhere.

The Chaldean Mafia likes to live up to its ideal-type identity “Mafia” as being some kind of “esoteric society”, and one that is “very exclusive”: not just anyone can join. The Chaldean Mafia basically does not function like a street gang, but it is perfectly capable of contracting with street gangs and prison gangs for whatever special “needs” it may have. There are no special “hand signs” or “hand shakes” for the Chaldean Mafia, it is almost as if they are too proud to have the mannerisms and characteristics of a street gang. But it is much more the basic nature of this organization itself that has found it highly functional, as an organization, to survive over time and to function more effectively and not attract investigatory attention, to minimize such “trappings” of gang symbols and the like.

UNSOLVED EXECUTION-STYLE MURDER ATTRIBUTED TO THE CHALDEAN MAFIA

This case involves the execution-style murder of Salwan Asker on April 10, 1997. Salwan Asker’s dead body was found lying on the street in Detroit, Michigan during the middle of the night. The autopsy showed he had been shot in the back of the head at close range. The motive for the murder was the fact that Salwan Asker had in the early 1990's provided government testimony against members of the Chaldean Mafia. Salwan Asker was a DEA informant. Salwan had been moved out of state by the DEA for his protection. It was reasonable to expect some retaliation from a violent gang like the Chaldean Mafia.

However, Salwan Asker had a drug abuse or dependency problem and he was contacted by someone within the Chaldean Mafia about a “pure money deal”. If Salwan would come back to Detroit and videotape a statement that recanted his previous courtroom testimony, then Salwan would be given a large amount of cash ($5,000 to $10,000). Salwan fell for it. He was given a free ticket to Detroit and his hotel room was paid for. He was fed and given drugs for a few days. Then when the time was right, he was simply executed.

A female who was taken into custody in the initial investigation into the murder of Salwan sued the police and DEA for violating her rights. The lawsuit was dismissed. This lawsuit is described at: http://www.michbar.org/opinions/district/2001/081501/12168.html

This is still an “unsolved” murder. No one has been convicted of the murder of Salwan Asker.

INSIDE THE MIND OF THE THE LEADER OF THE CHALDEAN MAFIA

A leader type of the Chaldean Mafia is Bahaa Kalsko. He is currently serving two prison sentences in the Michigan Department of Corrections. He has a life sentence for murder and a 40 year sentence for armed robbery. These crimes occurred on November 10, 1984 in Wayne County, Michigan and he was sentenced on both offenses on December 13, 1985.

Born on January 31, 1962, he was 22-years-old at the time of the offenses that landed him in the Michigan Department of Corrections. Today he is 41 years old. He went to school as a child in Iraq where he learned the Chaldean language of Aramaic. In the early 1970's his father migrated from Iraq to Detroit, bringing his wife and four sons with. The father was killed in a car accident in 1974, inducing much hardship into this immigrant family in a large urban area.

A conflict has arisen between him and the prison group known as the Moorish Science Temple of America (MSTA) (aka “Moors”) who operate in Michigan and elsewhere. His problems with the MSTA dated back over a decade, to 1991 when about ten (10) members of the MSTA attacked his co-defendant and his younger brother on the south yard of the prison. As he explained to one of his trusted colleagues on the street: “that war lasted two and a half years and we did not stop until they came begging us for peace (due to the amount of damage, harm, we were causing their members and loved ones on the streets)”.

It is important to note that a prison group like the Moors or the Melanics while chiefly known for their activities “behind bars”, do indeed often continue the pattern of association after they are released.

Like a dedicated warlord, he went on to explain to his trusted colleague: “In light of the above tragic incident, it is incumbent upon me to, as a leader of and advisor to my people, that I focus all my thoughts, efforts, and attention primarily towards that regard. Hence, I had (sic) decided to cease all my communications and correspondence with everyone but my attorneys and my daughter, so that I am not diverted in anyway from my task, with any of the various prison politics and day to day activities”. Thus, he was emotionally distancing himself from routine contacts and getting into the right “frame of mind” for the serious work that had to be done to respond to losing three of his close gang colleagues.

PRIMARY GANG ACTIVITIES

The Chaldean Mafia is most well known for its ability to transport, ship, distribute and sell large quantities of marijuana and cocaine. This is done in a more sophisticated fashion than most “street gangs”, who may use cars or caravans or hide their drugs inside over-the-road shipping containers (e.g., even inside propane canisters, etc). The Chaldean Mafia uses small fixed wing aircraft to transport its drug shipments typically from say California or Arizona or Texas to a small field in Michigan. Of course, with a small fixed wing aircraft in the USA today, one can also land in a privately owned air community or privately owned landing strip. Or when taken to a slightly higher level of small aircraft flight training, one can fly a small sea plane into just about any body of water, small lake, etc.

There have been undocumented rumors about the capability of the Chaldean Mafia for using both air craft and specially equipped boats for purposes of human smuggling from the country of Canada (which is the third most lucrative racket next to drugs and weapons in the world today). These boats were said to be equipped with special after-market mufflers to substantially reduce the noise signature emitted from the boat allowing it to traverse important waterway locations silently.

This kind of gang is not involved in “conspicuous drug drive-up” sales operations of the kind often associated with major street gangs in America. It does not work at the retail level, it works at the wholesale level of the illegal drug market in the United States today. If there is one trait of the criminal crime pattern of the Chaldean Mafia it is “stealth”: they like to achieve their goals, however violent, without attracting any “media attention” and without leaving any calling cards or the insignia of the gang.

Organized illegal gambling activities are another main staple of the Chaldean Mafia’s incoming producing activities. This includes the “gang-run” illegal “dog fights” that have become popular in some urban areas in recent years. In fact, it was the site of one such illegal dog fight location, where three Chaldean Mafia members were executed on November 20^th, 2002.

The international drug connections for the Chaldean Mafia will be examined as a separate issue later in this analysis.

COLORS AND IDENTIFIERS

While it is a midwest gang, originating in the Detroit, Michigan area, this gang does not align itself with People/Folks nor with any other gang alliance system known to the NGCRC. It is more opportunistic: it will work with anyone it can benefit from, and it will fight anyone who gives it trouble. However, the Chaldean Mafia do not necessary adopt any particular “color” or “symbol”. They do not put up graffiti and are more like the Aryan Brotherhood in this regard: they may have a strong prison and out-of-prison presence, but they do not “claim turf” in the way a typical street gang would claim turf and “mark up” it’s territory with its own gang symbols.

It is a more “covert gang”. One can find persons claiming to be the “Chaldean Mafia” on internet Web pages which typically attract “gang shoutouts”. One can also find a number of “tough sounding” or “gangsta” identities on the Internet with a Chaldean connection. But none of these give any clue as to any special “handsigns”, colors, or identifiers.

Secrecy is vital to the success of the Chaldean Mafia and it is dysfunctional for the Chaldean Mafia to have a “conspicuous presence”. It has an organizational identity that thrives on secrecy and the mystique of its organization.

We have run across only one way in which the Chaldean Mafia may, like other American gangs, “represent” it’s identity: the number sequence “313" embedded in a phrase or name or slogan. Like other American gangs such as the Gangster Disciples who like to use the identifier “74", this only means the seventh and fourth letters of the alphabet: it stands for “GD”, a rather simple alphanumeric code. The Chaldean Mafia likes to use the number sequence “313" which is the third and the thirteenth letters of the alphabet, standing for “CM”, a subtle reference to the Chaldean Mafia.

SPECIAL THREAT CAPABILITIES OF THE CHALDEAN MAFIA

The fact that the Chaldean Mafia employs members or operatives who are trained pilots who are still citizens of Iraq makes this a very unique criminal gang. We have never before in our history of studying American gangs come across a gang that had its own airplane pilots. And by this we mean “real pilots”: those who during their training actually learn how to land an aircraft aw well, and who have done so, quite successfully – often landing with a supply of drugs, of course. Obviously, having this capability for use in criminal enterprises such as the smuggling of marijuana makes it a gang with an enormous potential for illegal drug income. But, in the post 9-11 environment, any gang with a pilot who has an active pilot’s license is “bad news”.

CHAIN SAW MASS MURDER IN MICHIGAN: RESULT THREE DEAD CHALDEAN MAFIA MEMBERS

On November 20^th, 2002, a Wednesday, in southwest Detroit, Michigan, three members of the Chaldean Mafia were viciously tortured and executed. The leader of the Chaldean Mafia has asserted that the killers were members of the MSTA (Moorish Science Temple of America), aka “Moors”. There was an ongoing feud or warfare between the two gangs dating back to 1991. But, apparently, the Chaldean Mafia was able to inflict sufficient terror on the “Moors” to get them to “back down”, until the mass murder occurred on Nov. 20, 2002.

During the ritualistic torture/murder process, the killers had planned on using a new chain saw that they acquired for this special occasion. The problem was, they did not operate the saw properly. So when they used it on the first victim, the saw ripped through the body and the clothing, and while sufficient lacerations ensued to ensure death by bleeding alone, the chain saw “snagged the clothing” and turned off automatically. Attempts to restart the chainsaw worked, but with the blood soaked blade, there was not sufficient torque to do the kind of ritualistic torture that was intended for the second and third victims. Thus, the second and third victims had their skulls cracked like melons with some blunt instrument and as the second victim was mutilated, his remains were knocked on the third victim, and the third victim similarly was attacked.

Then all of the victims, including the one lacerated by the chain saw who may have been still alive at this point, but bleeding to death, were first shot once in the head, even though victim number one had been partially decapitated with the chain-saw, and they were then doused with a very large amount of gasoline. It was ignited. But a problem ensued. There was so much gasoline used, that once lit, the fire pattern did not sufficiently set all of the victims on fire, and the killers decided to burn down the entire house. The house was located on the 2300 block of Vermont in the southwest area of Detroit, Michigan.

This site of the mass murder was a house allegedly used by the Chaldean Mafia to run a “dog fight” gambling operation. After the fire department extinguished the blaze at the house, and the police removed the three bodies, the Michigan Humane Society workers concluded that it was in fact a house used for such “dog fighting” competitions. There was a great deal of equipment and evidence in and around the house to support this conclusion: a dog ring in the basement, a dog treadmill, a kennel area obviously used by dogs, and one pit bull was recovered alive from the fire, although the dog had numerous injuries consistent with the illegal “dog-fight” betting operations often run by gangs in large urban areas like Chicago, Los Angeles, and Detroit.

MOST LIKELY MOTIVES FOR THE MASS MURDER ON NOV. 20^th, 2002

Think “drug deals gone bad”, think “drug rip-offs”, the common theme of criminal gangs: groups that will rob a rival group if the “profit” looks attractive enough. The Chaldean Mafia was always good for a “stash”. So in the drug scene, if the marijuana supply “got dry” in the Detroit area, guess what: the Chaldean Mafia would always have a nice supply on hand. Making the, perhaps, the target of a drug robbery. The drug robbery scenario seems like the most reasonable explanation for the chainsaw mutilation and killings of the three Chaldean Mafia members on ????. And, as in most such gang-related “drug robbery” scenarios, the offenders have their sights on not just a supply of drugs they can “rip-off”, but on any cash that may also be on hand, or made available (e.g., perhaps through torture techniques). But, obviously, because this is still an “unsolved crime” there is nothing that has been documented for public information at this time in a court of law or other proceeding.

Another related motive would be the “drug deal gone bad”. In this scenario, gangs just do not play fair. If the Chaldean Mafia had sold, say, 100 pounds of marijuana to the “Moors”, and the Moors took delivery of the drugs, then to the casual observer the deal should be over with there. Not true. If the Moors, say, took possession of the 100 pounds but were driving a car without properly working lights, etc, and were pulled over two blocks away after taking delivery, and their “stash” was confiscated by the police, then often gangs like the “Moors” claim that they never had “rightful possession”. The Moors would want a “do-over”, a “refund” or a “second batch”. That’s how it works sometimes. In the first story describing the mass murder the following statement tended to give some indication that this second scenario may have also been involved:

“Officer Glen Woods, a police spokesman, said police are also investigating whether a nearby drug bust of 100 pounds of marijuana is connected. In that case, a man was pulled over Tuesday evening on 23^rd Street in southwest Detroit and was found with marijuana and an assault rifle” (Schmitt, 2002).

Tuesday would have been the day before the mass murder which occurred on Wednesday, early in the morning, as the fire department responded at about 4:00 a.m., thus very little time elapsed since the seizure of the 100 pounds of marijuana and the mass murder..

HIGH LEVEL INTERNATIONAL DRUG CONNECTIONS

The Chaldean Mafia has very strong high level connections to international drug cartels. Historically the Chaldean Mafia has been called the “Kalasho drug gang” in legal proceedings against members who have faced criminal trials. One of the international connections is to the Medellin narcoterrorist drug cartel. This connection was first established by Khairi Kalasho (aka “Harry”). Harry worked with his cousin Ray Akrawi to establish the connection to the Medellin cartel. Harry was first introduced into the drug business by one of his three brothers: Dhia Kalasho. Harry got his start in crime from his older brother Bahaa and his uncle Louis Akrawi.

For a three year period in 1986 - 1989, Harry built a huge drug empire in Detroit by using the Medellin cartel to import tons of cocaine into Detroit and by ruthlessly killing the competitors in the Detroit illegal drug market. Harry came to the attention of authorities when sources indicated he was trying to launder $8 million in drug cash. During its peak performance under Harry, the gang brought in 50 to 100 kilos of cocaine per month to Detroit. Another international connection was based out of New York that was capable of shipments in the 500 kilo range.

Harry was in routine contact with his imprisoned brother Bahaa, and was on his way to be the top leader of the Chaldean Mafia due to his outstanding performance and his charisma. But Harry got too greedy. He had two rival drug dealers executed, and the “writing was on the wall”: a drug war was underway in Detroit. In seeking revenge against Harry, Raed Jihad shot Harry on Feb. 3, 1989, and Harry died 17 days later, ending his attempt to monopolize the entire Detroit drug market.

The Chaldean Mafia is known to have connections to Pakistani groups and other middle easterners whom they affectionately call their “Arab friends”.

THE CHALDEAN MAFIA PRESENCE ON THE INTERNET

As previously mentioned, this is a gang that does not like to attract attention and generally stays out of the “limelight”. There have been, however, a couple notable exceptions to this on the Internet. These are explained here.

One AOL homepage contains a kind of confrontation between two people, one of whom in his email identity is representing as a Chaldean Mafia, and in the text of their communication refers to the Chaldean Mafia as a kind of force to be reckoned with: (http://members.aol.com/_ht_a/fissure2/myhomepage/index.html).

The email address being used by the person representing himself as a member of or associated with the Chaldean Mafia in this lengthy “chat” is “CHALDEAN4LIFE313". The “4 life” language is an expression often used in street gang argot, but what is most interesting is the suffix number sequence “313": which refers to the letters “C” and “M” (3 and 13 respectively), a kind of coded way of representing allegiance or affiliation with the Chaldean Mafia.

In the dialogue that goes on in this “internet chat” of exchanged email messages, and there are references to the “Mafia” in heated outbursts. But one gets the distinct impression these are young children or adolescents. There are derogatory statements made about “white boys” and “gays”.

There are a number of Internet sites that are explicitly Chaldean in identity and which adopt a “gangsta” image. One, for example, claims to be a “Chaldean Mafia chick” (http://members.aol.com/_ht_a/wildchalobaby02/myhomepage/profile.html). The kind of language found at this Web site is confrontative but also smacks of a “wannabe” gang identity. For example, it includes the statement “Yea baby this is me im the chaldean mafia chick and im here to stay for ever baby cuz if you got beef wid chaldeans u best run fast cuz there aint no one quicka than a chaldean nigga”.

A similar young female example of this kind of representation is found at: http://members.aol.com/_ht_a/babybillz/index.html

Here the language is “Chaldean Crew” and “Chaldean Pride”, and indicates a 16-year-old female who refers to the “Chaldean Girlz Mafia” in one symbol. There are extensive “marijuana”symbols commonly found on gang pages. But there is nothing here that specifically links this or the other internet pages to the true Chaldean Mafia. Perhaps this is a problem of linguistic emulation, it may be the case that over the years the true Chaldean Mafia has made a name for itself, and sometimes others in the Chaldean community identify with its reputation for “toughness”. This might explain how one adult male represents himself in a full photo pose on the Internet as the “Chaldean Don”: http://members.aol.com/_ht_a/donchaldo/myhomepage/profile.html

A kind of gateway for Chaldean chats and information is: www.chaldean.com

So, unlike a lot of other American gangs that specifically identify their symbols and activities on the Internet, there exists only a scant amount of material on-line about the Chaldean Mafia.

GROUP SIZE: SMALL BUT WELL KNOWN

The Chaldean Mafia is estimated to have less than 100 members. They may have many associates in the field of crime they can work with, but their own mobilizable strength is quite small. In spite of this small size in the composition of their gang, they are well known and have achieved a kind of “legendary reputation”. An ethnic gang often victimizes members of its own ethnic community. The Chaldean Mafia is certainly well known for its lethal violence.

As an issue of speculation one might ask: could this gang potentially be manipulated or influenced or hired by a hostile foreign country? The answer, sadly, is affirmative: this is a gang interested in one thing: money. So, for the right price, this gang would be capable of anything. Composed of first and second generation Chaldeans, the typical gang member hates the “system” or structure of authority in America. The financial and psychological vulnerability to foreign exploitation therefore does exist. Remember these members of the Chaldean Mafia are not representative of Chaldeans generally, the members of the Chaldean Mafia are simply criminals. It is important to note, for the record, that nothing we are saying in this threat analysis generalizes to the larger law-abiding Chaldean community.

SUMMARY

What is unique about the Chaldean Mafia? We can summary this information here.

* The gang members consist almost exclusively of persons from or tracing their ethnic ancestry to the country of Iraq and identify with the Chaldean culture. Almost all members have criminal records or come from families where almost everyone has a criminal record. As crime is a way of life for them, they see America as just a good place to commit crime, and their low level of respect for the law would predict little if any allegiance to the U.S. interests.

* The gang has a higher level of secrecy in its operations than ordinary street gangs, and functions much more like a two-tiered secret criminal society. It is more interested in achieving illegal economic gains than achieving symbolic “gang status” recognition. However, “getting their proper respect” is very important to this gang.

* This gang has a trained pilot: a real pilot, someone who also knows how to land the plane, a plane that would most likely be carrying drugs or persons trying to illegally enter the country or other types of contraband. The issue of “capability” for bringing forbidden items into the cities of America at a time when we face terrorist threats from abroad is of vital significance to making this gang capability of exceptional interest.

CONCLUSION

This has been a preliminary gang threat analysis of the Chaldean Mafia. In past traditions, the NGCRC has dutifully waited years if necessary to release full gang profiles and we have not issued “preliminary gang threat analyses”. Changing times and events trigger the need for change in reporting gang information as well, such is the case with the Chaldean Mafia and some other groups and organizations currently under gang threat analysis from the NGCRC. We do not consider this to be the “definitive” statement on the Chaldean Mafia, because it is, after all, a preliminary gang threat analysis.

The NGCRC has also made an important semantic change recently with regard to gang profiles: it is now sufficient to regard this as a “gang threat analysis” research methodology. The word “profile” which we originally used in the early 1990's, unfortunately today, evokes a number of potentially troubling images and critical cognitive associations that are actually unrelated to the fundamental purpose of the type of research being undertaken. Please note for the record that the fundamental purpose of this research by the NGCRC is to advance our knowledge on the behavior science threat analysis of gangs and domestic threat groups. Thus, there will be no more “gang profile analysis” reports in this journal, there will however be a increased number of continuing “gang threat analysis” reports in this journal. The commitment of the NGCRC to study this kind of problem rests more with the intrinsic value of advancing knowledge on the topic than accumulating public or private research support.